Speech by the President of the French Republic at the Conference of Ambassadors

MIL OSI Translation. Government of the Republic of France statements from English to French – Published August 30, 2018

Rubric: International, Development and Francophonie, Nation, Institutions and State Reform

SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC AT THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS

Elysee Palace – Monday, 27 January 2018

Presidents,

Prime Minister,

Ministers,

Members of Parliament,

Ambassadors,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am very pleased to welcome you to this Conference of Ambassadors. This article is only available in French, but it does not matter which way of life it is.

In a few days, you will be joining your teams in the field and will bear a great deal of responsibility with high demands and determination.

Your top responsibility will be to represent our country, our history, the ideals of our republic, our mainland and overseas territories and our interests. And by representing France you represent the history, the strength and the role of our people in the concert of Nations and conduct a diplomacy that should be reliable and innovative.

Your second responsibility, with your team and the support of your local partners, will be implemented. You can be sure that this ambition will give rise to a pace of reform in France that will not slow – quite the contrary, in fact. The Prime Minister will set the main lines before you. Several Ministers will also discuss this point. Under the leadership of your Minister, Jean-Yves Le Drian, whom I would like to thank for his constant efforts.

In my eyes, you are stakeholders of the strategy. Firstly, by fully involving our French communities abroad. They are an asset and a strength. Our reforms need to be explained and supported by them. French citizens are an asset for our country. They need to play a full role in this new French outreach.

That is why I have asked for a profound reflection on the subject of education. It is also why I want to complete the simplification process.

Next, you contribute to France's competitiveness. You need to explain to governments and economic actors in the countries where you serve the coherence and the scale of our transformation agenda. Our attractiveness is improving, but we need to be more active to support our exports. Your mobilization in support of economic diplomacy is a major aspect of this strategy. In particular, we need to focus our collective efforts on an export strategy for small and medium-sized enterprises, which is the only way to reduce our trade deficit

But I expect even more from you. From Ouagadougou to Xi'an, from Sydney to New York, and at Sorbonne University, on the last year, in a number of speeches, reviewed our geographical and strategic approaches. These now need to be implemented with precision. That means choosing clear, and therefore limited, objectives, and taking fresh measures to follow them up. We still consider that everything is a priority and has a sufficient culture of results. Even in diplomacy, success is not unlikely – measured in one day, but rather by influencing attitudes, build friendships and alliances, and win contracts. In a word, by our ability to advance the interests of France and its people and promote our vision and conception of the world.

That is what our citizens expect, and they rightly want to see the benefits of the policy. And that requires a greater ability to anticipate. We are keeping track of the situation of countries and regions, from Venezuela to Burma and from Ukraine to the Democratic Republic of Congo. But we need to anticipate these situations more, sometimes make bets, and proposes initiatives. I call on your spirit of proactivity, analysis and action. Never hesitate to put forward your ideas, for that is the best way to others' wills.

I believe you have understood that I have high expectations of you. We are working in a context that must be apprehended coolly and clear-headedly. Coolly, because the aim is not to change our strategy whenever an external event occurs. And clear-headedly, because we must not, however, underestimate the world's crises. Yet what has happened over the last year?

France has reaffirmed its ambition, vision and project for Europe. France has proposed a protective, more sovereign, united and democratic Europe; yet at the same time, extremisms have gained ground and nationalisms have awoken. Is that a reason to give up? Certainly not. Is it a reason to say that we made a mistake? On the contrary! We are paying the price for decades. In reality, we have to step up our efforts. I will come back to this.

France has also been the proponent of a strong multilateralism. Yet the multilateral system is dominated by major players and authoritarian powers that have a power of fascination. Should we surrender? Should France respond if this country chooses a certain direction, or if another sovereign power decides differently from what we believe in? France's responsibility is to make its voice heard and to defend its position. Not to speak in the name of others. We therefore need to take new initiatives, build new alliances and engage in debates at the right level. The right level is, of course, that of a civilizational debate, defending our values ​​and interests.

Speaking before you last year, I set out the objectives of our diplomatic action, in my policy for the Nation: the security of our citizens, the promotion of common goods, the influence and attractiveness of our country, and, lastly, a new European ambition.

These goals still stand, but circumstances are testing the robustness of our principles and the steadfastness of our action. Today, I would like to stress what we have in this framework, and the Minister will address this in greater detail before you. But I want to say how I think of this crisis of multilateralism and Europe. For yes, today more than a year ago, we are now at a moment of truth.

For the safety of the french people, first and foremost.

That is of course our priority, with a focus on the fight against terrorism. To fight Islamist terrorism, we have passed new legislation for France. As announced here a year ago, we organized a conference to fight the financing of terrorism, held at the OECD in spring, and Australia has agreed to hold a second conference on the subject. I ask you to contribute to the follow-up to the implementation of the Paris Agenda with all our partners. We have already achieved some initial results, which have been previously opaque, with a direct impact on our country. We now need to continue this work tirelessly.

But when we speak about the fight against terrorism, we are in the middle of the world, where terrorist groups are thriving, threatening regional stability and directly striking, organizing attacks in our country.

In the Sahel, we have maintained our military commitment through Operation Barkhane. I would like to be involved in this difficult theater of operations since 2013. Their presence, and that of MINUSMA, have helped the poor in the region and enabled them to be held in Mali. In recent months, we have achieved major victories in the Sahel against the terrorist presence, but this action must continue with the same intensity, supplementing the presence of Operation Barkhane with several focuses that began in July 2017.

Firstly, we have supported the creation of the G5 Sahel Joint Force. I am convinced that it will be more effective if it is more relevant to the Sahel countries concerned. We have raised funds and encouraged the Force's first operations. I have made several visits to witness to the progress, and, together with all of the Heads of State and Government, we have improved our organization.

This organization is the only one which will provide stability in the long term because it fully involves the Sahel countries concerned in their own security. We must make sure that we are going to have a new joint operations with the G5 Force. We must also enhance cooperation with Algeria, which is exposed to the same terrorist threat, as well as Nigeria and Cameroon, which are fighting Boko Haram.

Secondly, we have encouraged the increasing power of the African Union. The President of the African Union and the Chairperson of the African Union, President Trump and President Kagame, President of the African Union. The United Nations, the African Union, and the subregional organizations.

Thirdly, we have also strengthened our contribution to the development of action through the creation of the Sahel Alliance and other international donors. These are the 3 complementary Ds of Diplomacy, Development and Defense that I spoke about last year. We have started to roll out the first operations for education, agriculture, the wider economy, in several countries in the world where every a point in time, could have been won over by the enemy.

I would like to take this opportunity to welcome you in Mauritania, Niger and Chad. In the coming months, we need to give some support to certain regions and regions in Mali and Burkina Faso.

The fourth point I would like to make sure that the Sahel issue while Libya remains unstable. The breakdown of society in Libya since 2011 has led to the formation of trafficking in drugs, human beings and weapons. The whole Sahel and Sahara region is a region of trade and trafficking. Until we achieve stability in Libya, it will be impossible to sustainably stabilize the Sahel. It is these roads that finance and enable the terrorists.

We have taken several initiatives to respond to this situation. Firstly, by fighting this trafficking and the networks of traffickers in collaboration with the African Union and the International Organization for Migration /

Secondly, by bringing together Mr Sarraj and Mr Haftar in France in July 2017 and for the first time, the four major Libyan leaders in May this year, surrounded by the international community, to commit to a common political process.

I firmly believe in the unity of Libyan and the restoration of Libyan sovereignty. This is an essential component of the efforts to stabilize the region and therefore fight terrorists and traffickers. The coming months will be decisive in this regard to the United Nations Secretary-General, Ghassan Salamé, to avoid any temptation of divisions, because this country has become, deep down , the theater for every influence and external interest. Our role for our security and the security of the region is to be successfully fulfilled.

The other theater in our fight against terrorism, of course, Syria. The situation in Syria remains extremely serious and concerning. France is very active from a diplomatic standpoint, from New York to Geneva, and in all the capitals concerned. We have significantly increased our humanitarian assistance. A ceasefire is now essential to the sustainable solution to this conflict has to be political, that we can be sure of.

The Astana Guarantors on the other side of the world is one of the leading countries in the world. We included Germany and Egypt in the "small group" which will have another ministerial meeting in September with the United States, the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. We have enhanced our dialogue with Turkey on Syria to a new level, with our deep-rooted differences on the north-east region. The co-ordination mechanism created in St Petersburg, Russia, with the help of a standpoint, without compromising on the principles of non-governmental organizations.

I would like to commend the remarkable and courageous work of all the NGOs on the ground.

Therefore, many things have changed. I believe we have managed to rebuild an essential European pathway, but we must not make any mistakes, we are at the hour of truth on this issue. There is doubtless a key humanitarian challenge in the Idlib region as we move into the last months of the conflict. And we are at a crossroads to implement this inclusive political solution in which we believe that Christians will also have the Kurds, the Yazidis and all the other ethnic and religious minorities, to have a place in tomorrow's Syria.

Our lines on the Syrian conflict are clear: the fight against terrorism and the threat of terrorism in Europe, the support for civilian populations and the promotion of an inclusive diplomatic roadmap, in collaboration with the United Nations.

I have tasked my Personal Envoy on Syria, Ambassador François Sénémaud with making progress on these objectives in collaboration with all the ministries concerned. But the current situation is alarming, because the regime threatens to create a new humanitarian crisis in the world. This means we will have more of a view of the world, and we have seen it, given their role and the commitments they have made.

Those who would, once again, have a clear view of the situation. Bashar al-Assad would stay in power, the refugees in Jordan, Libya and Turkey would return home and some others would rebuild.

While I have never accepted the fact that it has been made impossible to do so, I think that such a scenario would still be a disastrous mistake. Who caused these millions of people to be displaced? Who massacred his own people? It is not the responsibility of the future leaders of Syria. But it is our responsibility and prerogative to ensure that the Syrian people will be in a position to do so.

That is why the condition for Syrian Arab Republic, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria, Syria al-Assad diet, to choose their own leader. This action and these principles are to my mind crucial to our current and future security. For what has been enabled terrorist groups, whether it be al-Qaeda, Daesh or al-Nusra, to prosper?

Poverty, authoritarian regimes no longer protruding their peoples, widespread corruption, and also foreign powers not respecting these countries' sovereignty have fuellated the very discourse of the Islamists, the exploitation of all the different frustrations and anti-Western speech. So let us not repeat these mistakes. Let us respect Syria's sovereignty – but it is truly respectful. This is the meaning of the United Nations Secretary-General's Representative, Staffan de Mistura, to get the Syrians, the Small Group, the participants in the Astana Dialogue and the States in the region to converge around the same inclusive road map, the implementation of which alone can produce sustainable peace.

Of course, stability of the region will also depend on our ability to deal with Iranian issues. I have just spoken again with President Rohani about the crisis in the Gulf, the conflict in Yemen and the Israeli-Palestinian issue, which absolutely remains a central and worrying.

I do not want to spend too much time on these issues by launching tangible initiatives with you.

Still along these lines: our security and our world view require stability in the Middle East. This stability can only be integrated into the mainstream of the world. It is important to us that we should not be concerned about this issue. That is the reasoning behind our work with Lebanon, Jordan and Egypt in recent months. That is why we will be able to remain effective.

When we speak about our action, we look at the security of the world and we believe in chemical weapons and nuclear proliferation.

We have created an international partnership against impunity with regard to chemical weapons. We drove the European solidarity efforts to support the United Kingdom after the Salisbury attack. We helped create a new mechanism for the protection of chemicals in the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, whose headquarters I visited a few months earlier. These actions were necessary because we know how to monitor the situation and we have been more vulnerable.

France has kept its word and adhered to its main lines. When the Syrian regime is bombed its population with chemical weapons, we have several strikes on its facilities during the period between 13 and 14 April 2018 with our British and American allies, and we will continue to weapons.

We have fought nuclear proliferation by North Korea and the United States through a policy of counteraction and counteraction.

It was France that, during this same meeting last year, it was discussed that it would be easier to talk about it.

This approach is advancing today and is a compass that the new partners follow. We will do everything we can for you to help prevent a serious crisis in the months ahead. A considerable diplomatic effort will eventually be needed to establish a new stability framework. Our closely coordinated action, particularly with the United Kingdom, Germany and the European Union, is now to preserve what the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran has enabled and consolidates it by opening fresh, even more demanding negotiations.

France, uncompromisingly and without naivety, which includes the Gulf States.

When we speak of our security, we are also speaking about Europe's security with regard to external risks.

In this look, we have moved forward a long time in the last 60 years. We have made an unprecedented progress, including strengthening our common defense policy since the beginning of 2017, creating a defense fund to finance tangible initiatives, concluding two strategic agreements concerning tanks and combat aircraft with Germany, and concluding with eight other Member States the European Intervention Initiative that I proposed in September 2017 to promote the idea of ​​defense between Europeans. Europe has never progressed as soon as it comes to defense.

Europe has achieved that it has to protect itself and has had its full responsibilities in this realm, through the military defense address them.

France and Europe have identified the new modern-day threats and

In the coming months, I plan to develop a new European solidarity in security matters. We should give more substance to Article 42 (7) of the Treaty on European Union, invoked by France for the first time in 2015, after the terrorist attacks. France is ready to enter into concrete discussions with European States on the nature of reciprocal solidarity and mutual defense relations under our Treaty commitments. Europe can no longer entrust its security to the United States alone. It is up to us to assume responsibility and to guarantee European security and sovereignty.

We must fully take on board the consequences of the end of the Cold War. Allies today are still extremely important, but scales, and sometimes the reflexes on which they were built, need to be reviewed. And that means that Europe should act accordingly. This enhanced solidarity will involve a review of the European defense and security architecture. This will include a dialogue on cyber security, chemical weapons, conventional weapons, territorial conflicts, space security and the protection of polar regions, especially with Russia.

I would like to engage in broad discussions on these issues with all of our European partners, and therefore with Russia. Substantial progress towards resolving the crisis in Ukraine, and compliance with the OSCE framework – I am thinking particularly of the situation of the observers in the Donbass – will clearly be the prior conditions necessary for real progress with Moscow. But that should not prevent us from working between Europeans starting today. I'm counting on you to do this.

We will also revisit this European architecture, reaffirming the relevance of the Council of Europe – France will chair its Committee of Ministers in 2019 – and the relevance of our democratic values. We must not give in to the forms of fascination – which we are more or less throughout the European Union – for illiberal democracies or types of efficiency that involve abandoning our principles. No. Our security is rooted in the reaffirmation of our values, of human rights , artists, activists and journalists. Here too, we will have several initiatives to adopt the UN General Assembly.

The second goal I was assigned to our diplomats a year ago to the protection of our planet, culture, education of children, public health, trade and cyber space, all of which are aspects of our global heritage that must be defended. But in order to do so, we need to be accepted by all; These are essential for smooth cooperation and hence to progress in defending those common goods. But the leading threat to our common goods is the crisis of multilateralism itself.

Indeed, multilateralism is undergoing a major crisis, with an impact on all of our efforts – primarily because of US policy. Doubts concerning NATO; China, Europe and a few others; withdrawal from the Paris agreement; and denunciation of the nuclear agreement with Iran are all examples of this. The partner with which Europe built the post-war multilateral order seems to be turning its back on this shared history. France has always been one of the first and most important countries in this process, always working to persuade these decisions to be taken, and to maintain the crucial high-quality dialogue between our two countries. And I fully stand by this approach.

Whereas taking part in traditional multilateralism, China, for its part, is promoting its own world view, its own vision of a reinvented, more hegemonic multilateralism. Other powers are not really playing the game in multilateral cooperation, and for them, the collapse of this supposedly Western order will not be overly problematic.

In this context, France is sometimes criticized for continuing its dialogue, its efforts with the United States, yet it is obvious – even in the current situation – that dialogue with Washington remains essential. And I must tell you that in my view, the situation is most often described. First, because of the isolationist or rather the unilateralist trend that the United States is currently experiencing in the past, if you look at Jackson, and it had already begun with the previous administration in certain theaters of operations and certain parts of the world.

This American position is of course undermining contemporary multilateralism because it is less effective and more effective. But in my view, it should be seen as a symptom of a cause, a symptom of the crisis of contemporary capitalist globalization and the liberal Westphalian multilateral model that goes with it.

Globalization and multilateralism have had positive effects that they should not be underestimated: they helped hundreds of millions of the planet's inhabitants to escape poverty, they brought an end to an ideological conflict that divided the world, and they ushered in an unprecedented era of prosperity and freedom. and a peaceful expansion of global trade, which is the reality of recent decades. But this economic, social, and political order is in a state of crisis. First, because they were unable to regulate the excesses that were inherent to it: trade imbalances that deeply affected certain regions, which are losing out in globalization; long overlooked environmental disasters; and significant inequalities within and among our societies.

From Brexit to the current US position, it is this same uneasiness with contemporary globalization that is playing out. And the answer, to my mind, is not unilateralism, but rather a reinvention, a new conception of contemporary globalization. This capitalist globalization accelerated financial flows and led to a hyper-concentration of technologies and talents as well, which fostered the emergence of actors who disrupted and undermined our collective rules. It created both big winners and big losers.

And finally, because of the world, peoples' deep-seated identities have re-emerged, along with their ideas about their history. That is a fact. Those who believed in the future of a world of people would be deeply protected. Throughout the world, the inner psyches of people in our country have resurfaced, and we are seeing this from India to Hungary, from Greece to the United States. These are often exploited, sometimes inflamed, but they are a reality that says something about the return of the identity of peoples. It is probably a good thing, or at least I believe so.

It is a sign that this problem has not been addressed to all, that it has failed to respond to certain points, and that it is necessary to rethink its rules and practices, precisely as a result of these failures and these changes. So the real question is not that I will take Donald Trump's arm at the next summit, but how we can collectively grasp this moment of great transformation that we are experiencing and facing all of our societies.

The great demographic transformation, which is shaking up Africa and Europe, and indeed, all the continents, it must be said. The great ecological and environmental transformation, more critical than ever. The great shift in inequality and the great transformation. France's role is to propose a humanistic path to meet these challenges, and to Europe, specifically, to propose a new collective organization.

First and foremost, that presumes – and this is a prerequisite, if I may say so – changing our diplomatic approach to some extent. We can no longer be satisfied with the experience of monitoring the situation in the United States. All too often, we have taken note of things we do not want to see, the political events over the last few years, and without questioning our own selves, at the collective imaginations of the peoples I just mentioned. I think we should do this and reinvent our own methods.

And sometimes the things we don’t want to see happen, because there is an underlying logic within peoples. We probably should have a better understanding of this intimacy in order to better anticipate the course of events. But we should also grasp what is progressive and humanistic in these world views, i.e., the paths and means for new initiatives, and in each of these countries we should seek out allies, paths, means of building new cooperation and new alliances.

We must accept that doing this will require alliances of convenience, alliances that are tactical and concrete, depending on the issues, and based on clear principles and objectives, always respecting the national sovereignty of peoples. I have already spoken about this. It limits military interventionism, or more precisely, it means we must always act as part of a dynamic and political project that is as close as possible to the people. But it also means that we must always work to ensure that all non-State actors contribute to this new regulation of the world, that they respect the rules and are not somehow sti free-riders gold hidden arbiters.

The answer, then, is not unilateralism goal, rather a way of reorganizing our efforts around a few strategic common goods, and by building new alliances. First and foremost, with regard to the fight against climate change, the Paris Climate Agreement must continue to be defended. Every day, the urgency of this fight is confirmed with the intensification of climate extremes and natural disasters. We are continuing to fight this battle, and we will continue to pursue concrete actions.

The One Planet Summit, which France hosted with the un and the World Bank on 12 December last year in Paris, made it possible to adopt substantial new financial commitments. That event will be followed up by another international summit on 26 September in New York. We must continue mobilizing all the actors involved in this fight: businesses, NGOs, local governments, and major international foundations.

This fight for the planet will remain central to our foreign policy, as reflected in the attention given to this issue during my visits to the Holy See, to China and India, and in particular with the first summit of the International Solar Alliance that we organized with India. It must also translate it into the negotiation and adoption of a new global pact for the environment, which I consider has priority, and which will imply the commitment of all our diplomats, as well as actively preparing for key stages in biodiversity negotiations in 2019 and 2020. And mobilization on the oceans and the poles will also require the commitment of many diplomatic posts.

Environmental diplomacy is vital to respond to this major upheaval in the world. It is vital because of the French and European commitment in this area

The second universal good that we have again made central to our international cooperation policy is education, culture and knowledge. Indeed, France demonstrated stis commitment by co-hosting with Senegal the replenishment conference of the Global Partnership for Education in Dakar a few months ago, which raised more than two billion euros for education in the world, especially for girls, and for which France increased sti contribution ten-fold.

In my view, this is our universalist, humanist role, but also the most crucial contribution we could make to addressing the demographic crisis I mentioned earlier. Wherever there is an undue population surge, it is the result of a decline in education, and especially girls’ education. And that is something that France must be able to talk about. I was repeatedly attacked when, a little more than a year ago, I addressed this issue in Hamburg, a goal that African leaders themselves courageously took up the subject and stance and are addressing it.

Purpose wherever demography spikes, with seven gold, eight children per women, forced marriage has resumed and girls’ education has declined. And show me countries where young women all choose to have eight or nine children, show them to me, before saying that it is a form of neo-imperialism to raise this issue in Paris. No, we must help those who are speaking about this in each of their capitals.

Fighting for education is the best response to all forms of obscurantism and totalitarianism. Education, culture and intelligence are at the heart of this battle, which we must wage everywhere. It is the only sustainable response to the global demographic challenge. And we will be able to fight against, especially those between men and women. That is why I have made education an absolute priority, both in our country and abroad.

And I deeply believe that this issue, France has an unprecedented role to play, first of all because of its history and tradition. A year ago, we formulated an ambitious education strategy, from the beginning of primary school to university, which I think is our country's particular credibility in this area. But let's take a closer look at what we are and the assets we have. UNESCO, whose new Director-General has begun to make a strong effort in this area; the OECD, which has acquired unquestionable credibility in evaluating educational performance; and the International Organization of La Francophonie, which also considers a strong ambition and one of its priorities.

In the last few years we have launched several projects, including the ALIPH initiative to protect endangered cultural heritage and others, further enhancing this strength. In addition to this, we have consolidated our role in the Global Partnership for Education which I would like to be more active and present in Paris; We have everything we need to make France a global knowledge, intellectual and cultural ecosystem that you must promote around the world, through academic, scientific and research cooperation.

I think that it is an essential common good that we must defend, but I believe that it is also an incredible lift of influence for our country.

The third common good is health. In this respect, France will continue to fulfill its commitments by the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria Replenishment Conference in Lyon on 10 October 2019. But in the meantime, I would like to resume, with determination, the important fight against counterfeit drugs that France initiated, and to intensify our involvement in the fight against the major pandemics; I am thinking in particular of the fight against Ebola in Central Africa.

The fourth fundamental common good is the digital space. We must support its development, invest in promoting our strategic and economic interests and ensure that it is accessible to all. This major change is exactly what the Tech for Good Summit in Paris in the spring was all about; we will hold this summit every year in order to promote debate on essential regulations in these new sectors, together with all international stakeholders, and also in order to take action and make concrete commitments. With respect to taxes, privacy, social rights or ethics, we must respect the principle of sovereignty.

This is the reasoning behind the commitment we made, in particular with the United Kingdom, at the European level, to fight the spread of terrorist messages and terrorist content. We will continue this regulatory work at the European and international levels, specifically in this area. The Internet Governance Forum and the Civic Tech Forum will take place at the same time on 12 November in Paris, allowing us to make progress in these areas. I want to make France a major hub of attractiveness, as well as the development of these new rules, so that we can discuss common goods and the new rules of globalization.

It is also a matter of discussing our collective organization in the area of ​​trade. International trade is definitely not fair; the collective organization is one of the most efficient, but responding to complete unilateralism and a trade war is the least appropriate answer. The solution must involve a radical restructuring of our international world order. That's why, in May, I invited the working group to join the United States, the EU, China and Japan.

We must clarify the existing rules, improve dispute resolution, adopt more effective regulation at the international level and incorporate our own social and environmental requirements in our trade policy. We can not have a trade policy that would be considered separate from everything else.

I therefore invite the representatives of these powers to an initial conference on the issue of the armaments of the Armistice Day events in Paris on 11 November. I think we will be able to build a more efficient and fair system in a few months; Indeed, we can not give in to the hegemony of one power and the division of all.

Indeed, I believe that our world order can be significantly improved with respect to social affairs. And I think that the 100th anniversary of the ILO in 2019 should allow us to go to a new goal. Wherever globalization is criticized, it is these social aberrations that are attacked. The working classes and the middle classes, in the United Kingdom, and in the United States, are criticizing the fact that they are being left behind, which are no longer tenable.

We should therefore think of one another in terms of international cooperation, which can not we should therefore think in terms of bringing together the willing, encouraging cooperation among everyone. That 's why I want to make the issue of inequality a major focus of France' s commitment to the coming year, especially at the G7, whose Presidency we will hold in 2019.

Our focus is therefore the restructuring of the world order. France and Europe have a historic role to play in this. I do not think that the future of the world will be built on hegemonies, or on theocracies, or new forms of totalitarianism. But that requires a sudden jolt to our democracy. We will not win this battle by simply saying that democracies are by definition right, when we see extremes on the rise everywhere and the world order falling apart. When I talk about strong multilateralism, it is about the key challenges for our citizens and finding an international response to these challenges.

The peace gained in 1918 broke down during the 1930s as a result of the shortcomings of global governance and the weakening of democracies. That's why I have taken the initiative to invite several heads of state and government to Paris for the 11th of November Armistice Day ceremonies; they will inaugurate the first Paris Peace Forum. This forum is aimed at strengthening our collective efforts by bringing together States and international organizations, particularly the UN, together with civil society: NGOs, businesses, trade unions, experts, intellectuals and religious groups. International governance must be defined in concrete terms, and every citizen can take part in this.

This restructuring requires time for reflection, and I hope we will be able to make this reality in Paris. This restructuring also requires us to redesign our organizations, our consultation instruments and our coalitions.

In 2019, France will hold the G7 Presidency. I would like to update the format and goals. We need to establish stronger, constant dialogue – with a view of China on climate issues and trade, with Africa on youth affairs. In any event, we must not recreate this theater of shadows and divisions, which I believe has weakened us more than helped us move forward. I will therefore propose a reform to the other members, in connection with the United States, which will hold the presidency of the G7 after us in 2020.

All over the world, in Asia, in Latin America, in Africa, there are so many new balances, new relations that we must rethink on the basis of the in-depth work I asked you to carry out. In March and May I proposed, in New Delhi and Sydney, which we work on a new Indo-Pacific strategic objective, which should not be directed against anyone, and could be a key contribution to international stability. We are an Indo-Pacific power with more than 8,000 troops in the region and more than a million citizens. We must draw the necessary conclusions and I hope that you can present this link crossing the Indian Ocean to the Pacific Ocean, by way of Southeast Asia, in a resolute, ambitious and clear manner.

Indeed, we must develop a new relationship with Asia. It will be based on one of our essential and fruitful dialogue with China. I said that I would go there every year in Xi'an. China has established one of the most important geopolitical concepts of the last few decades with its new silk roads. We can not act as if the initiative did not exist. We should not give in to any kind of conviction or lack of fascination: it is a vision of globalization that has its virtues in terms of stabilizing certain regions, but it is a hegemonic system. I therefore want to be able to provide a balanced approach to this issue and to be able to meet the requirements of China.

Our relationship with Japan is also key; Japan will hold the G20 Presidency at the same time as the G7, and it was our most recent guest of honor, alongside Singapore, at the Bastille Day celebrations. The current cultural season in France reflects the strength of our ties. Relations with India, the largest democracy in the world, and Australia, within the framework of the Indo-Pacific strategy are key. But it is with Africa in particular that we must rebuild these contemporary coalitions.

What Ethiopia, Liberia, and Sierra Leone have taught us about African conflicts, whether with respect for internal conflicts or conflicts. Africa is not just a help to discuss the crises it is, it is first and foremost of ally in helping to strike an overall balance in tomorrow's world. This is why I am asking you to share in this dialogue: relations with Africa, and this is an important message that I want to convey to you, do not just concern our ambassadors in Africa. When I talk about Africa, I'm talking about the continent with all of its diversity and wealth, as I explained in my speech in Ouagadougou, when I invited talents from our two continents, including young Europeans and Africans, to engage in dialogue on their common future.

Africa is important to us because it is part of our identity through our common history and through diasporas that we have planned to meet this autumn. We believe it is necessary to better understand these diasporas while renewing our relationship with Africa. I am also counting on the contribution of the Presidential Council for Africa, which I would like to commend for its commitment by my side.

Without Africa, we will never win the battle that we have never seen before, we will never manage to build these new cooperation projects and alliances for the international order we wish to see. We will never win the battle for diversity with African countries' active participation. Next spring, I will visit Nairobi and the UNEP headquarters to build the momentum of the One Planet Summit on the ground in Africa.

Africa is also a continent where the future of Francophonie will play, and to a large extent, the future of our language and our cultural influence. That is why I have slowed down France's support to the candidacy backed by the African Union for the post of Secretary-General of the International Organization of Francophonie ahead of the Yerevan Summit of 12 October 2018.

Last July, we launched the African Cultural Season in Lagos, which will be organized in France in 2020 and which will enable Africa, for the first time, to tell its own story in France. N'Goné Fall will be the General Commissioner of this cultural season. This autumn I will also receive the report by Bénédicte Savoy and Felwine Sarr on the temporary or final return of African cultural heritage to Africa. What we are doing in doing so, step by step, and I can not go into the details of this policy. As a result, France will be able to see Africa differently but Africa will also be able to express itself differently, to tell its own history, to create a new relationship between France and Africa.

I believe this is an essential part of our diplomacy because it is one of the keys to addressing the instability in several African regions and one of the keys to striking a balance in our relationship on every level. Africa is, of course, our Mediterranean neighbor. We pay close attention to Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia which I have already visited. I will also have the opportunity to visit Cairo in the coming months when Egypt takes over the Chairmanship of the African Union. I announced at the beginning of the year in Tunisia that it would be held, based on the current 5 Dialogue in a more inclusive format with significant contribution from civil society. Ten years after the Union for the Mediterranean, we must define a Mediterranean policy by learning from all the successes and shortcomings and including civil society. This is doubtless one of the conditions for reconsolidating the Maghreb region. This policy is key for tackling issues related to young people, mobility, energy, academic exchanges and we will, in the coming months, prepare this Summit which will be held in Marseille in early summer 2019.

Our third objective, ladies and gentlemen, is to enhance France's influence in this context. I mentioned at the beginning of my speech the importance of economic diplomacy. Our country has, of course, attracted more investment, tourism and talent this year we still have many challenges ahead. France has also made progress in sports winning the 2024 Olympic Games and the French football team's victory at the World Cup. This victory and the way in which our players and citizens are celebrating it.

Your efforts have played an active role in increasing France's attractiveness in all fields. They were supported by unprecedented events that we organized at the beginning of this year in Versailles, Paris and elsewhere, and the investment in France. international specialists at the end of the winter. I would like to mention several concrete steps.

Important announcements were made on these occasions by several countries, showing that it is possible to get to know them in the most complex aspects: security, taxation and the digital economy. And I also wanted to continue this with the help of the United States of America.

At the same time, it is essential more than ever to promote our culture and language. This is something I have said several times. We have left behind a defensive vision of language to finally promote a robust, pro-active policy for the promotion of French and multilingualism, which gives full importance to regional languages, which fully recognizes the role of authors of Africa and around the world. in French-language literary creation.

In light of this, I would like to thank my personal representative for Francophonie, Leila Slimani, for her work in this field. Our cooperation on the ground has been one of paradigm shift. This is also why we have decided to maintain our co-operation budget at the same level in 2019 for the second consecutive year.

We have now brought about a 20% increase in the number of French classes offered to refugees. Francophone Africa. I would also like to welcome the creation of a Francophone Chair at the College de France. We have made considerable progress. This article is also sponsored by the world's leading news agency, and is available in French and English. TV5 Monde and the University Agency of La Francophonie.

All these activities of influence will only be possible and effective alongside the economic diplomacy. France's partnership and international solidarity policy is part of the drive to achieve the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. To reach these goals, reaching a long period of shrinking, reaching 0.55% of GNI by 2022. Already, to guarantee this growth, the 2019 budget will include a billion euros of additional commitment authorizations.

But, as I told you one year ago, financial means are not enough. A new method is needed, both in France and in our partner countries. New governance has been established with the creation of a National Council for Development. On Friday, the Prime Minister received the report National Assembly Deputy Hervé Berville to draft and I would like to thank Mr Berville for his work and the broad consultation he conducted. As it is proposed, a new partnership will be created to be more involved in civil society, young people, companies and diasporas.

This means working more closely with people in the field. In this connection, I support the proposal to embassies to encourage local initiatives. With regard to gender equality and support for innovation, you need the leading actors and the leading communicators of the political will that I have expressed. I also support the idea of ​​a new framework and planning for the budget of international cooperation policy.

An ambitious evaluation policy will be implemented to the extent of this assistance and will be extensive restructuring around the French Development Agency (AFD). I also ask you to be more attentive to the need for coherence and synergy between national priorities and European cooperation and development projects. I believe that this is a guarantee of coherence and effectiveness for all of us.

I would like to see the end of the last year, which is clearly even more important today: our European priority. Throughout my speech, I have reiterated the importance of Europe, our ability to overhaul the international order or to promote our own interests. Attempts to do so are most often much less effective, if not bound to fail. Acting with a strong, coherent European voice, will, to my mind, guarantee our success. Since our last meeting a year ago, we have proposed, we have taken forward and we have built alliances. During my speech at Sorbonne University last september, I set out a comprehensive, ambitious vision for a more sovereign, more united, more democratic Europe. On the subject of defense, we have obtained the first results regarding defense. In the coming months, we will continue working on migration and digital technology.

On the basis of the above, we have agreed that we have reached a milestone for the first time in the past. all of these points, including the budget and the eurozone, sets out to a common agenda until 2021. It will help us develop a vision of a sovereign, united and inclusive Europe that we should have in a coherent manner.

Culture and education, health and food, and digital technology and innovation. We have thus adopted an ambitious method, which is to speak to everyone, once again in Europe. In one year, I have visited more than half of the countries in the European Union. Headed of State and Government bilaterally. I would like to see you here in the future, and I will be in Denmark tomorrow, and then in Finland.

We have sometimes forgotten some countries in Europe with the excuse that we see them at every European Council meeting. But we also have to convince, to understand the deep-rooted dynamic of many European peoples, and to build a strong bilateral relationship that serves our European policy. Europe is not made in Brussels, Paris or Berlin: it is built in the relentless dissemination of our ideas and our projects without hegemony.

I am telling you this today with just humbug. It will be long and difficult. It will be central to France in the coming year, because we are experiencing a European crisis.

Throughout Europe, there are doubts. Brexit is a symptom of this. The rise of extremism has become the rule and France the exception. The division between North and South in the United States of America and the United States.

So faced with this, how do we respond? By giving up none of the ambition expressed a year ago. None. On the contrary, by bringing greater clarity and a few perspectives I want to share with you here, to conclude my remarks. Firstly, what are Europe talking about? When we talk to Africa, when we talk about ourselves, when we talk about these major challenges, the perimeter, the outline of this Europe must not be questioned to a form of intellectual laziness. The European Union is not set in stone and its perimeter is neither the end of the world nor a process we should necessarily endure. There is quite obviously Brexit, first of all, but I draw everyone's attention to this issue. with Albania or any other Western Balkans country? All these countries are linked to our history and our strategy, but can we, in this group of informed, clear-sighted people, be satisfied with the way things are going? Do we think this is the best way of responding to our challenges? Do we think things are going to be Europe's perimeter and the kind of Europe we want? Definitely not.

So far is Brexit is concerned, I would like the agreement to be reached by the end of the year, setting out the framework of our future relations. Yet, I repeat, Brexit is a sovereign choice which must be respected, but it is a choice which can not be made at the expense of the European Union's integrity. It is what the British people have chosen for themselves, and they would like to maintain a strong, special relationship with London, but not at the cost of the European Union breaking up. And for integrity in the capital city of the world, which is in its own country, is one thing, but we have to defend the integrity of our values, of our foundations and the European Union. And so we have a rigorous, essential dialogue about this, but in any event we are thinking about the European Union's post-Brexit relationship with London – that is essential. And thinking about it will be involved, precisely, defining at the very least what kind of strategic partnership to build.

I want the same requirement at our borders; I already mentioned Russia earlier, and the framework of European security and defense architecture; but we can not build Europe on a long-term basis without thinking about our relationship to Russia and Turkey. Thinking about it uncompromisingly and without being naive. Do we think today – again, clear-sightedly and sincerely – that we can continue negotiating Turkey's accession to the European Union when the plan reaffirmed daily by the President – for a little over a year – is a pan-Islamic plan regularly presented as anti-European, whose routine measures rather contradict our principles? Definitely not. And here too we must end hypocrisy and create, I believe, a more effective, more coherent solution for ourselves. So, because they are so important to the European Union, because they are two powers which are important for our collective security, because they must be anchored to Europe, because the history of These people have been built with Europe and together we must build our future. And so on all these fronts we need to reinvent our relationship, rigorously, but without giving in to the kind of attempted bureaucratic steps we are used to on these issues.

The Cold War is behind us and President Erdoğan's Turkey is President Kemal's President. These are two facts, and we must take on board all their consequences.

We also have accepted the fact that this Europe will be a Europe of several circles, because it is more broadly this broader base, based on our principles, which are at times undermined even within the EU. But there's room for a broad Europe, room for a common market, and the heart of this room for enhanced cooperation and greater integration. Rhine et al., Le rapport de la change et la change sur les autres. And on this point, the vision of France is promoting today, which we shall be promoting in the framework of future meetings, requires a revision of the treaties, such as the reform of the European Union and the eurozone. I am calling for it and I would like it to be able to carry it out on the basis of the Citizens' Consultations under way, on the basis of the results of the upcoming European elections semesters. Because we need to rethink how we are organized collectively, we need a more effective, smaller Commission and we need to rethink Europe's central strategic objectives.

Finally, we will be, and are being today, I have been talking about this perimeter, its scope – I have been talking about the present-day challenges to you about just now. And we have only one credible European response: that of our strategic autonomy. The question is not about us to persuade the United States of America – a great people, and a great country; the question is whether the United States of America looks at a power with strategic autonomy – that is the real question raised for Europe today. We are forced to accept that this is not the case today; we must take a clear-sighted, even ruthless look at ourselves; I do not honestly think today that China or the United States think Europe is a power with comparable strategic autonomy to their own. I do not believe it.

And I think that if we do not manage to build this, we are in for some gloomy times ahead. And so how do we build this genuine European sovereignty? Well, by responding to the challenges I have just been talking about, by making Europe the model of this far-reaching, humanist reform of globalization. That is our challenge and it is precisely the matter under debate for the European people ahead of the forthcoming elections.

There's a clear choice on one side: Europe is not effective, it no longer addresses the challenges of globalization. This is not totally false. It does not have a strategic autonomy, so we must break it up.

Now the most sophisticated people will tell you: we are in favor of breaking up, but we are in favor of Europe, because it is against the backdrop of Europe , when I listen to some ministers; the Italian Prime Minister is also aware of this. The Hungary of Viktor Orbán has never been against the Europe of structural funds, of the Common Agricultural Policy, but it is against Europe when it wants to make great speeches about Christianity. And so there is a clear path of European opportunism, but of openly-expressed nationalism: let's break up this bureaucratic structure, let it be said that it is a matter of course.

On the other side, we must take an approach – also clear – geared to a desire for European sovereignty: in what respect and how can Europe alone respond to many of our challenges? And I believe this is the case, and I believe it is especially the case with regard to the political crisis gripping Europe today. I speak of a political crisis because of the migration issues we have discussed above. In 2015, Europe had to endure a genuine migration crisis, when millions of Afghans and Syrians arrived due to conflicts. Libya, but the flows have been reduced ten-fold in recent weeks; it is not a migration crisis, it is a political crisis, that of the very ability to tackle this challenge.

This issue, we must look at things head-on: why are we having this European and in particular Italian political crisis? Because there has been no European solidarity. Why did we have a political crisis in Greece in the past? Because there was no European solidarity. This is why I have always been linked to a European solidarity with a genuine policy of sovereignty, and so we created a political process in Italy through our lack of solidarity. Does this excuse xenophobic discourse and easy answers? I do not think so, and I also believe that these xenophobia provide no solution to the ills they complain about. Because it is so much more common, that it is all over the world solutions, including for themselves. The ideas we are told about no solutions – none.

And so on this issue, I believe that France, with constructive partners and the European Commission, must establish, help establish a long-term mechanism that respects humanitarian principles and effective law -end solidarity, which means we must not abandon the right of asylum as we conceived it. Every day I hear speeches saying "do not take people in, do not accept them, goodwill is weakness". France, and I welcome this, which is one of the countries which, during this summer's political crisis, has taken the most refugees: 250. I ask you to remember the proportion of these figures, because of the five missions of the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons (OFPRA) But what fundamentally responsible, clear-sighted political leader can we explain that we should give up respect for the right of asylum in France and Europe? This right of asylum is in our constitution – bear, the French – and it is in all our European legislation. The key is simply to accept this differentiation. There are people who are eligible for membership in a well-organized way, together with the rest of the Mediterranean and the rest of Africa. And then there is a migration to the European level.

This is the very purpose of the law which will be promulgated in a few days and which we bring in for France; it is the very purpose of the action we are promoting in Europe and of the partnership we want to build with all African States, as we began in Abidjan at the end of last year, in the dialogue between the European Union and the African Union in Paris a year ago to the day, with the African Union and many countries of origin and transit, and with many of our partners. This is the right response to the migration crisis.

It is a stringent European policy which respects our values ​​but which, because we will have found common rules for the protection and internal solidarity, will ultimately be effective. France has a migration challenge: last year we were the most popular applications, the second country for asylum applications, a little over 100,000, but none arrived by so-called primary routes. It is because of Europe's inability to handle the migration issue that we have had so many asylum applications. And so I ask all those who make speeches on this issue at the reality of the facts. If we have more effective organization at the European level, then we have a response to our own challenges and sometimes our own fears.

We must build it sustainably, rigorously, with all the concerned partners. But more broadly, as you understand, one of these issues I will argue for Europe being the power which, as I said, we are going to migrate to the world. An economic and financial power through a stronger eurozone, the defense of our strategic and commercial interests, financial independence through mechanisms we must propose, and this is the request to the Commission, to consolidate Europe's financial autonomy and finally the extraterritorial nature of some financial and monetary decisions.

An economic and trading power that will build tax and social convergence within itself. I want a Europe that is a digital power and an artificial intelligence power, through the initiatives we have begun to take, with a fund for disruptive innovation, a genuine digital single market and the fair taxation of digital players. A Europe that is an ecological, food and health power, enabling and ensuring the health of Europe.

We are promoting this vision; it is impossible to pursue the idea of ​​European players which do not follow it. It is at European level that we must pursue it, to the end, the battle to end glyphosate – which France began, I remind you, and without France glyphosate would have been granted to further 15 years throughout Europe – goal also for a single carbon price, for genuine energy sovereignty and for a genuine strategy on renewables.

I believe in this vision of a Europe where, at our time of choices, there is an opportunity for progressive humanism; In Europe, I believe there is a possibility for a pathway to enable us to make a difference, we need to be aware that Europe is not simply part of the central goal to our strategic autonomy. to our peoples and vis-à-vis our partners.

We must write and tell the history of the Europe we want, demonstrate its concrete results, in order to persuade our fellow citizens that the path of cooperation in Europe and the world is the only one that can lead to relations of mutual trust in France's interest .

Ladies and Gentlemen Ambassadors, I have set out to your priorities for the coming year, based on those pillars I defined last year. Jean-Yves Le Drian, whom I thank again for the tireless work in the world, effectively supported by Nathalie Loiseau and Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne and all the staff of the Quai d'Orsay, at the service of our country. I would like to express my gratitude for your dedication, skills, intelligence, commitment and courage.

On each of the challenges I have just described, the battle has not been won, and France sometimes appears to be in the lead – at any rate, that is what some people complain about. I do not think it is a lonely voice, I think it is listened to for, I think it is sought after and I think it is true to our history; I think it must also break with clothes or reflexes and search everywhere for this stringency required of us.

Forty years ago almost to the day, Solzhenitsyn delivered a very great speech at Harvard which people actually called "The decline of courage", and he was already saying he had been discovered and discovered. And what we must underline today is this decline of courage.

And so in order to face up to this, our role everywhere – and this is what I expect of you – is to be a mediating power, a diplomatic, military, cultural, educational, national and European power, and always to be a mediator ; a mediator, meaning that France never stops making itself heard, but that it always seeks to build alliances on this basis; that it is not a compromising power, not a middling power, that it is a mediating power, one that seeks to achieve this globalization .

I know I can count on you, because of your daily commitment to our country and the pride of your profession. Thank you.

EDITOR'S NOTE: This article is a translation. Please accept our apologies should the grammar and / or sentence structure not be perfect.